Winner dont flirt live romanization

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winner dont flirt live romanization

Original lyrics of Empty song by WINNER. Explore 1 [Seunghoon] Da ra dat dat dat dat dat dat Baby don't worry ([Mino] Da dat Don't Flirt. YOU ARE READING. Kpop Lyrics (Book 1). Random. I'll post the MV (if there isn't one a Fanmade or a live performance) & the lyrics (Romanization + translation). English Translation. winner don't flirt 끼부리지마 lyrics. don't flirt, I'm worried everyday because of you. I pray and pray that no other person will.

Before long a face-saving compromise was found, and Marius returned; but in the 90s he played no major part. The oligarchy could not forgive Marius.

Wars and dictatorship c. Mithradates VIking of Pontushad built a large empire around the Black Sea and was probing and intriguing in the Roman sphere of influence. Marius had met him and had given him a firm warning, temporarily effective: Mithradates had proper respect for Roman power.

It was on this occasion that Sulla received a Parthian embassy—the first contact between the two powers. But dissatisfaction in the Roman province of Asia gave new hope to Mithradates.

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When the Senate realized the danger, it sent its most distinguished jurist, Quintus Mucius Scaevola consul in 95 and pontifex maximuson an unprecedented mission to reorganize Asia Various leading senators were at once vexatiously prosecuted, and political chaos threatened.

Developments in Italy The 90s also saw dangerous developments in Italy. In the 2nd century bc, Italians as a whole had shown little desire for Roman citizenship and had been remarkably submissive under exploitation and ill-treatment. The most active of their governing class flourished in overseas business, and the more traditionally minded were content to have their oligarchic rule supported by Rome.

Their admission to citizenship had been proposed as a by-product of the Gracchan reforms. By it had become clear that the Roman people agreed with the oligarchy in rejecting it. The sacrifices demanded of Italy in the Numidian and German wars probably increased dissatisfaction among Italians with their patently inferior status.

Marius gave citizenship to some as a reward for military distinction—illegally, but his standing auctoritas sufficed to defend his actions. Saturninus admitted Italians to veteran settlements and tried to gain citizenship for some by full admission to Roman colonies. The censors of 97—96, aristocrats connected with Marius, shared his ideas and freely placed eminent Italians on the citizen registers.

This might have allayed dissatisfaction, but the consuls of 95 passed a law purging the rolls and providing penalties for those guilty of fraudulent arrogation. The result was insecurity and danger for many leading Italians. By 92 there was talk of violence and conspiracy among desperate men. It was in these circumstances that the eminent young noble, Marcus Livius Drususbecame tribune for 91 and hoped to solve the menacing accumulation of problems by means of a major scheme of reforms.

He attracted the support of the poor by agrarian and colonial legislation and tried to have all Italians admitted to citizenship and to solve the jury problem by a compromise: To cope with the increase in business it would need this expansion in size. Some leading senators, frightened at the dangerous situation that had developed, gave weighty support.

Had Drusus succeeded, the poor and the Italians might have been satisfied; the equites, deprived of their most ambitious element by promotion, might have acquiesced; and the Senate, always governed by the prestige of the noble principes rather than by votes and divisions, could have returned, little changed by the infusion of new blood, to its leading position in the process of government.

Some members of each class affected were more conscious of the loss than of the gain; and an active consul, Lucius Philippus, provided leadership for their disparate opposition.

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Finally he himself was assassinated. The first year of the Social War 90 was dangerous: Fortunately all but one of the Latin cities—related to Rome by blood and tradition and specially favoured by Roman law—remained loyal: Moreover, Rome now showed its old ability to act quickly and wisely in emergencies: The measure came in time to head off major revolts in Umbria and Etruria, which accepted at once. A Roman embassy restored them, and he withdrew. However, when the envoys incited Bithynian incursions into his territory, Mithradates launched a major offensive; he overran the two kingdoms and invaded Roman territory, where he attracted the sympathy of the natives by executing thousands of Italians and defeating and capturing the Roman commanders in the area.

In Rome, various men, including Marius, had hoped for the Eastern command. But it went to Sullaelected consul for 88 after distinguished service in the Social War.

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Finding the oligarchy firmly opposed, he gained the support of Marius who still commanded much loyalty for his plans by having the Eastern command transferred to him. He occupied the city and executed Sulpicius; Marius and others escaped. The end of the republic was foreshadowed. Having cowed Rome into acquiescence and having passed some legislation, Sulla left for the East. Resisted by his colleague Octavius, he left Rome to collect an army and, with the help of Marius, occupied the city after a siege.

The policy now changed to one of reconciliation: After wintering his troops in the rich cities of Asia, Sulla crossed into Greece and then into Italy, where his veteran army broke all resistance and occupied Rome Wherever in Italy he had met resistance, land was expropriated and given to his soldiers for settlement. While the terror prevailed, Sulla used his powers to put through a comprehensive program of reform His reforms aimed chiefly at stabilizing Senate authority by removing alternative centres of power.

The jury reform of Gaius Gracchus, seen by some leading senators as the prime cause of political disintegration, could now be undone, and the criminal courts could once more become a monopoly of senators. His program was basically that of Marcus Drusus. His overriding aim was the restoration of stable government, and this could only come from the Senate, directed by the principes former consuls and those they chose to consult.

Sulla accepted and even extended recent developments where they seemed useful: To prevent long command of armies which might lead to careers like his ownSulla increased the number of praetors so that, in principle and in normal circumstances, each province might have a new governor every year.

As for the overriding problem of poverty, his contribution to solving it was to settle tens of thousands of his veterans on land confiscated from enemies in Italy; having become landowners, the veterans would be ready to defend the social order, in which they now had a stake, against the dispossessed.

At the beginning of 80 Sulla laid down his dictatorship and became merely consul, with the senior Metellus Quintus Metellus Piusa relative of his wife, as his colleague. The state of emergency was officially ended. At the end of the year, after seeing to the election of two reliable consuls, Sulla retired to Campania as a private citizen; he hoped that the restored oligarchy would learn to govern the state he had handed over to them. For 78 Marcus Lepidusan ambitious patrician whom Sulla disliked and distrusted, was elected consul.

Sulla did not intervene. Within a few months, Sulla was dead. Lepidus at once attacked his system, using the grievances of the expropriated as a rallying cry and his province of Gaul as a base.

But he was easily defeated by his former colleague Quintus Catulusassisted by young Gnaeus Pompeius Pompey. The Roman state in the two decades after Sulla 79—60 bc The early career of Pompey Pompey was the son of Gnaeus Pompeius Strabo, who had triumphed after the Social War but had incurred general hatred because of cold-blooded duplicity during the troubles of 88 and Though not old enough to hold any regular magistracy he was born inhe had, from these military bases, blackmailed Sulla into granting him a triumph 81 and had married into the core of the Sullan oligarchy.

Meanwhile a more serious challenge to the system had arisen in Iberia. Quintus Sertoriusa former praetor of tough Sabine gentry stock, had refused to follow most of his social betters in joining Sulla; instead he had left for Spain, where he claimed to represent the legitimate government. When the consuls of 77 would have nothing to do with this war, Pompey was entrusted by the Senate, through the efforts of his eminent friends and sponsors, with the task of assisting Metellus. The war dragged on for years, with little glory for the Roman commanders.

Although Sertorius had many sympathizers in Italy, superior numbers and resources finally wore him down, and he was assassinated by a Roman officer. The death of Nicomedes IV of Bithynia 74 led to another major war. The Eastern command again led to intrigues in Rome.

The command finally went to Lucius Lucullusa relative of Sulla and consul in 74, who hoped to build up a countervailing power in the East. At the same time, Marcus Antonius, father of the later Triumvir, was given a command against the pirates in the eastern Mediterranean whom his father had already fought in —partly, perhaps, as further reinsurance against Pompey. With Italian manpower heavily committed, a minor slave rising led by Spartacus 73 assumed threatening dimensions, until Marcus Crassus an old Sullan and profiteer in the proscriptions volunteered to accept a special command and defeated the slaves.

At this point 71 Pompey returned from Spain with his army, crucified the remnants of the slave army, and claimed credit for the victory. Pompey and Crassus He and Crassus now confronted each other, each demanding the consulship for 70, though Pompey had held no regular magistracy and was not a senator. Agreeing to join forces, both secured it. During their consulship, the political, though not the administrative, part of the Sullan settlement was repealed. For future impunity he relied on his aristocratic connections especially the Metelli and their friendshis fortune, and the known corruptibility of the Sullan senatorial juries.

But Verres was unlucky. The year 70 thus marked the loss of control by the Sullan establishment. The nobility families descended from consuls continued to gain most of the consulships, with the old patriciate revived by Sulla after a long decline stronger than for generations; the Senate still supervised administration and made ordinary political decisions; the system continued to rely essentially on mos majorum constitutional custom and auctoritas prestige —potent forces in the status society of the Roman Republic.

The solid bases of law and power that Sulla had tried to give it had been surrendered, however. The demagogue—tribune or consul—could use the legal machinery of the popular assembly hence such men are called populareswhile the commander could rely on his army in the pursuit of private ambition. The situation that Sulla had tried to remedy now recurred, made worse by his intervention. His massacres and proscriptions had weeded out the defenders of lawful government, and his rewards had gone to the timeservers and the unscrupulous.

The large infusion of equites into the Senate had intensified the effect. While eliminating the serious friction between the two classes, which had made the state ungovernable by 91, it had filled the Senate with men whose tradition was the opposite of that sense of mission and public service that had animated the best of the aristocracy. Few men in the new ruling class saw beyond self-interest and self-indulgence.

One result was that massive bribery and civil disorder in the service of ambition became endemic. Laws were repeatedly passed to stop them, but they remained ineffective because few found it in their interest to enforce them. Exploitation of the provinces did not decrease after Verres: Extortion cases became a political ritual, with convictions impossible to obtain.

Cicero, thenceforth usually counsel for the defense, presented hair-raising behaviour as commonplace and claimed it as acceptable.

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Pompey made Syria into a province and added a large part of Pontus to Bithynia inherited in 74 and occupied in 70 ; the demagogue Clodius annexed Cyprus —driving its king to suicide—to pay for his massive grain distributions in Rome; Caesarfinally, conquered Gaul by open aggression and genocide and bled it white for the benefit of his friends and his ambitions.

Crassus would have done the same with Parthia, had he succeeded. Opposition to all this in the Senate, where it appeared, was based on personal or political antagonism. If the robber barons were attacked on moral grounds, it was because of the use they made of their power in Rome. Politically, the 60s lay under the shadow of Pompey. Refusing to take an ordinary province in 69, he waited for his chance. It came in 67 when his adherent Gabiniusas tribune, secured him, against the opposition of all important men, an extraordinary command with unprecedented powers to deal with the pirates.

Pompey succeeded within a few months where Antonius and others had failed. Meanwhile Lucullus had driven Mithradates out of Anatolia and into Armenia; but he had offended Roman businessmen by strict control and his own soldiers and officers by strict discipline. Faced with mutinies, he suffered a reverse and became vulnerable to attacks in Rome.

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In 66 another tribunician law appointed Pompey, fresh from his naval victories, to take over supreme command in the East, which he did at once, studiously insulting his predecessor. He quickly defeated Mithradates and procured his death, then spent some time in a total reorganization of the East, where Asia the chief source of revenue was protected by three further provinces and a ring of client states beyond the frontier. The whole of the East now stood in his clientela clientshipand most of it owed him money as well.

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He returned by far the wealthiest man in Rome. There was much material for revolution, with poverty especially in the country, among families dispossessed by Sulla and debt among both the poor and the dissolute rich providing suitable issues for unscrupulous populares.

Catiline himself fell in a desperate battle. Like his compatriot Marius, he had saved the state for its rulers: Pompey was miffed at having to share his fame with a municipal upstart, and eminent gentlemen could not forgive that upstart for having driven patricians to their death. Like Marius, he wanted recognition, not tyranny. He dismissed his army, to the surprise of Crassus and others, and basked in the glory of his triumph and the honours voted to him.

But having given up power, he found himself caught in a net of constitutional obstruction woven by his politically experienced enemies and was unable to have either of his principal demands met: It was at this point that Caesar returned from Spain. Gaius Julius Caesardescended as he insisted from kings and gods, had shown talent and ambition in his youth: In 63 he won a startling success: Despite some cynicism among Roman aristocrats toward the state religion, its ceremonial was kept up and was a recognized means of political manipulation; thus priesthoods could give more lasting power than magistracies, in addition to the cachet of social success.

Young Caesar was now head of the hierarchy.

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After his praetorship 62Caesar successfully governed Spain, clearing a surplus sufficient to pay off his debts. On returning to Rome, he naturally hoped for the consulship of 59; but his enemies, by legal chicaneryforced him to choose between standing for office and celebrating a triumph. He gave up the triumph and easily became consul.

The final collapse of the Roman Republic 59—44 bc Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus For his consulship Caesar fashioned an improbable alliance: Pompey got what he wanted, and so did Crassus whose immediate need was a concession to the Asian tax farmers, in whose companies he probably had much of his capital. Caesar left for Gaul, but Rome was never the same; the shadow of the alliance hung over it, making the old-style politics impossible.

Just when he seemed about to succeed, the three dynasts secretly met and revived their compact Rome had to bow once more. In 55 Pompey and Crassus were consuls, and the contents of their secret agreement were slowly revealed. Caesar, whom his enemies had made efforts to recall, was prolonged in his command for five years and it later appeared had been promised another consulship straight after, to secure him against prosecution and give him a chance of another army command.

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Pompey was given a special command over all of Spain, which he exercised through deputies while he himself remained just outside Rome to keep an eye on the city.

Crassus, who now needed glory and new wealth to equal those of his allies, was to attack Parthia with a large army. Thus the three dynasts would practically monopolize military power for the foreseeable future. Cicero, among others, had to submit and was thenceforth their loyal spokesman. He now used this fact to rationalize his surrender. His brother took service in Gaul under Caesar. Clodius, as tribune, had created a private army, and there was no state force to counter it.

Pompey could have done it by calling his soldiers in, but the Senate did not trust him enough to request this, and Pompey did not wish to parade himself as an unashamed tyrant. Other men formed private armies in opposition to Clodius, and one Milo at last managed to have him killed after a scuffle By then, however, Roman politics had radically and unexpectedly changed.

Political maneuvers Julia died in 54, breaking the ties between Caesar and Pompey.

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Appearance Victor is a handsome man with short gray hair with bangs that cover his left eye. During competition warm-ups, Victor wears a white and red runner jacket over his costume. Victor's casual practice outfit consists of a black T-shirt and grey jogging pants. Victor is fond of wearing trench coats over his outfits when in cold places. He owns several in various colours, including beige, brown, and slate blue.

As a junior skater, Victor had long, waist-length hair, so his costumes often had both feminine and masculine elements to them. He usually wore his hair in a ponytail when skating. In Barcelona, Yuuri places a golden ring on Victor's right-hand ring finger, which Victor later confirms to be an engagement ring although it's not sure if he was just joking or if he was serious, seeing as he's very clearly fascinated by and attracted to Yuuri. After this, Victor is always shown wearing his ring.

Yuuri has a matching ring on the same finger of the same hand. Personality Victor has the captivating kind of celebrity charisma and is naturally flirtatious. His well-known strength is his penchant for breathtaking new creations and surprising his audience. Though he pushes himself and is constantly trying to better his skills, he likes doing things at his own pace and in other areas is generally an easygoing, free-spirited young man who doesn't really take well to orders Yakov yells in exasperation that he never does anything he's told.

Victor's also a bit of an airhead, and according to himself and Yuri Plisetsky, tends to forget a lot of things, as Yuuri Katsuki sees proof of after he forgets what the stakes of the Hot Springs on Ice event were. He's very self-aware, knowing what he can and can't pull off and exactly what he has to do in order to play best to the audience.

This adds to his charisma in that he knows precisely how to charm people with what he has. That said, he's also sensitive about his appearance, even his hairline.

Being a nigh-imperturbable man in perfect control of himself, even when losing his temper, Victor is well-adapted to navigating the positive side of the emotional spectrum. However, he's not very good at managing others' emotional distress, and while he can be serious if he needs to be he's blunt to the point of being tactless. This makes him a bad person to cry in front of, as he's awkward at best and insensitive at worst.

Even though he mostly exhibits a childlike and almost flippant demeanor, his core does emerge every so often: Though this side of him only gets a peek when he talks to close ones regarding more philosophical topics, it's very at home on the ice. Skills Jumps Victor is shown to have a very high level of skill in landing difficult jumps.

His signature move is the quadruple flip, and he has been shown to be able to cleanly land three more quads. As such, he is able to do at least four out of the five currently ratified quads.

He's also able to do a triple axel with a back counter entrance, and a quad toe-triple toe combination right at the end of his program. Given that he can land all these quads, Victor would be able to land their triple counterparts as well.

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Compared to the two Yuris, Victor doesn't have very good stamina, as such arranging his more difficult and therefore more fatiguing jumps early on in his performances, relying on his presentation score to make up for the absence of the 1.

Choreography Victor is shown to be at least an adequate choreographer, as he choreographed 'Stay Close to Me', and 'On Love: Eros and Agape', all of them being winning performances.

His arrangements are shown to play to the strengths of each of their skaters; he adjusts 'On Love' to better fit the styles of each Yuri even though he originally made them for himself. Relationships Yuuri Katsuki Yuuri arouses Victor's curiosity after a video of Yuuri perfectly replicating his free skate program " Stay Close to Me " goes viral.