Alexei Nikolaevich, Tsarevich of Russia - Wikipedia
The Last Russian Emperor of the Romanov dynasty, Nicholas II, his wife Alexandra, He was the eldest of the six children of Emperor Alexander III. Nicholas II had five children from his marriage to Alexandra Fyodorovna. Alexandra Feodorovna was consort of the Russian Czar Nicholas II. At first, the prospect of marriage didn't seem very promising. Nicholas's father, Alexander III, was anti-German and Alix's family expressed open disdain for. It IS Alexander. Tsar Alexander III, father of Tsar Nicholas II. This girl pays the penalty for having had personal relations with the Germans. Here Explore our collection of motivational and famous quotes by authors you know and love.
The eternal love of Nicholas II, the last Romanov tsar - Russia Beyond
The assassination was carried out by forces of the Bolshevik secret police under Yakov Yurovsky. According to one account of the murder, the family was told to get up and get dressed in the middle of the night because they were going to be moved. Nicholas II carried Alexei to the cellar room. His mother asked for chairs to be brought so that she and Alexei could sit down. When the family and their servants were settled, Yurovsky announced that they were to be executed.
The firing squad first killed Nicholas, the Tsarina, and the two male servants.
Alexei Nikolaevich, Tsarevich of Russia
Alexei remained sitting in the chair, "terrified," before the assassins turned on him and shot at him repeatedly. The boy remained alive and the killers tried to stab him multiple times with bayonets. Finally Yurovsky fired two shots into the boy's head, and he fell silent.
Several people claimed to be surviving members of the Romanov family following the assassinations. People who have pretended to be the Tsarevich include: However, scientists considered it extremely unlikely that he escaped death, due to his lifelong hemophilia.
On 23 Augusta Russian archaeologist announced the discovery of two burned, partial skeletons at a bonfire site near Yekaterinburg that appeared to match the site described in Yurovsky 's memoirs. The archaeologists said the bones are from a boy who was roughly between the ages of ten and thirteen years at the time of his death and of a young woman who was roughly between the ages of eighteen and twenty-three years old.
Alexei was two weeks shy of his fourteenth birthday. Alexei's elder sisters, Olga and Tatiana, were twenty-two and twenty-one years old, respectively, at the time of the assassination. Along with the remains of the two bodies, archaeologists found "shards of a container of sulfuric acid, nails, metal strips from a wooden box, and bullets of various caliber.
Also, striped material was found that appeared to have been from a blue-and-white striped cloth; Alexei commonly wore a blue-and-white striped undershirt. On 30 AprilRussian forensic scientists announced that DNA testing had proven that the remains belong to the Tsarevich Alexei and to one of his sisters. In Marchresults of the DNA testing were published, confirming that the two bodies discovered in were those of Tsarevich Alexei and one of his sisters.
Romanov sainthood InAlexei and his family were canonized as passion bearers by the Russian Orthodox Church. The family had previously been canonized in by the Russian Orthodox Church Abroad as holy martyrs. Peter and Paul Cathedral in St. Petersburg on 17 July —eighty years after they were murdered. Alexei's remains, so as to be with those of his family, remain unburied due to the insistence of the Russian Orthodox Church on more DNA-testing.
Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. August Learn how and when to remove this template message Alexei was the heir to the Romanov Throne. Paul I had passed laws forbidding women to succeed to the throne unless there were no legitimate male dynasts left, in which case, the throne would pass to the closest female relative of the last Tsar.
He did this in favour of his twelve-year-old son Alexei who ascended the throne under a regency. Nicholas later decided to alter his original abdication. Whether that act had any legal validity is open to speculation.
Nicholas consulted with doctors and others present and realised that he would have to be separated from Alexei. Not wanting Alexei to be parted from the family, Nicholas altered the abdication document in favour of his younger brother Grand Duke Michael Alexandrovich of Russia.
Nicholas II of Russia
After receiving advice about whether his personal security could be guaranteed, Michael declined to accept the throne without the people's approval through an election held by the proposed Constituent Assembly; no such referendum was ever held. One of the many things Rasputin did that unintentionally facilitated the fall of the Romanovs was to tell the Tsar that the war would be won once he Tsar Nicholas II took command of the Russian Army. Following this advice was a serious mistake as the Tsar had no military experience.
The Tsarina, Empress Alexandra, a deeply religious woman, came to rely upon Rasputin and believe in his ability to help Alexei where conventional doctors had failed.
This theme is explored in Robert K. Massie's Nicholas and Alexandra. It is also uncertain whether German tanks would have even moved in the direction of Moscow at all. If not for the Red Scares, a party led by a deeply Russophobic Hitler would not have claimed power in German elites would probably have preferred more moderate revanchists leaning towards co-operation, not war with Russia.
If a World War II had broken out at all, it would have had entirely different provisions, and would not have been an all-devouring crusade of cannibals against Russia. There is the conundrum: The poet Gumilyovthe engineer Palchinskythe biologist Vavilovthe historian Lyubavsky, the military theorist Svechin and many others would have remained alive.
Universal primary education would have been introduced 10 years earlier, and the GOELRO planbased on Tsarist plans, would have been implemented 5 years ahead of the Soviet schedule. In other words, from the viewpoint of national economic development, extreme revolutionary measures were entirely historically unjustifiable. The last frontier of Stalinism is held by the following argument: Comrade Stalin managed to suspect and murder everybody right, left, and center.
That is how he remains in history, as a suspicious, cruel, and ruthless despot, concerned above all with the preservation of his own personal power. This, however, was a lesson learned by the Russians after they saw the consequences of deposing the government in World War I. No one wanted to repeat that.
During the entirety of his reign, fewer people were executed — even counting the sentences of expedited military tribunals at the height of revolutionary terror — than the weekly toll of the Stalinist death machine just in He was convinced that if repression was useful at all, it was only so during limited periods of extreme emergencies, as opposed to anything permanent, and that the Russians deserved much better than being ruled with blood and terror.
If Stalin is the image of an iron fist pushing our people over a field of blood towards superpowerhood, crushing the bones of enemies real and imaginary, then Nicholas II represents the Russian dream of a normal, non-catastrophic historical development, uninterrupted by great upheavals and bloodbaths.
In him, we see an image of how Russia could have developed over the 20th century had she not been misled by the glittering mirage of Revolution that turned out out to be false gold.
Nicholas II in infantry gear. Nicholas II with his son on the beach. Climbing onto a Sikorsky airplane, and talking with its constructor. Trying on the uniform of a Russian infantryman.
Playing with his heir on the beach. Walking through the vineyards of Danylivka with the Ayu-Dag mountain in the background. He never referred to any anxiety in regard to his own safety, which was typical of him.
The question of his eventual place of asylum is for many and various reasons a difficult one. He expressed a wish to write to me personally and not through some other channel, and then added that the right thing to do was to support the present Government, as that was the best way to keep Russia in the alliance to conclude the war.
On this he laid great stress. He feared the revolution would ruin the armies. As I prepared to leave he asked me for my photograph, which I sent him to-night, and said he would send me one of his. As I said 'good-bye' in anticipation of the more formal farewell to-morrow, he turned to me and added: It was a black night in more senses than one as I walked home. I went to bed last night thinking a good deal of the crash which has fallen upon a man who has failed.
After dinner the Grand Duke Serge came up and sat in my room for a long time. We hope to get messages of encouragement from England to the armies here.
Anarchism is showing itself already, and it will be lucky if the Imperial family can be got away somewhere in safety.
As I left the palace last night I saw hanging out of the windows of the local Duma, almost opposite the Emperor's windows, two huge red flags, and people in the streets, who about a week ago were shouting hurrahs for the Emperor, parading with red colours on their coats.
If there were some strong men about things might change again, but autocracy is dead. A message from Alexeieff to say we had better not accompany the Emperor as he has already had great trouble in arranging for the Emperor to go to Tsarskoye Selo, and now that the Government have guaranteed his safe conduct it would be a reflection on that body.
We bow, of course, to his decision, as we must not hamper the Government, and the Emperor even in the midst of his trouble would think it right to support the chosen Government, two members of which are to accompany him.
He said he hoped to see me at Tsarskoye Selo, and can hardly realise, I suppose, the unlikelihood of such a meeting.
He told me he had slept a little, but looked terribly worn and sad. He told me he was issuing a farewell message to the armies which he hoped would be published.
I was followed by my other colleagues of the military missions, all distressed and sad. He bid them each good-bye, and we all doubt if we shall ever see him again. News from Petrograd is bad. Place more settled and calm itself, but army said to be 'anyhow. That is all madness, but they are mad and have started a fire which will be mighty hard to put out. Count Fredericks said to have been arrested at Gomel. One has been through pretty bad times one way and another over here, but this will take a lot of beating.
Alexeieff is very anxious as to the situation. A message from General Staff regarding the guarding of the Emperor: The Emperor before leaving bid good-bye to the staff to-day - a very touching ceremony, I am told, several of the officers bursting into tears.
General Staff have just informed me that telegrams are coming in from all over the country in support of the Grand Duke Nicholas as Commander-in-Chief. The more this feeling can spread the better for the Allied cause, as it might rally the armies back to their work and a more settled frame of mind.
The Love Story of Nicholas II and Alexandra, the Last Tsar and Tsarina of Russia | T&C Ph
Meanwhile people are walking about the streets here with red ribbons on. Police have all been dismissed, this being a 'free country' now God save the mark! I saw one of the results to-day when I was walking with the Italian general past a church. We noticed that the chimney and wall over the stove of this wooden building was ablaze with fire, and the church spire also had caught fire. The people sitting calmly in the presbytery attached didn't seem to know, so we told them and looked round for someone to give the fire alarm, but police being abolished had to get a stray soldier to go off for the fire brigade, which eventually, not having also been abolished, appeared on the scene and salvaged some of the remains.
One of the Emperor's A. I advised him to remain here, as I felt sure H. When I woke up, Missi, my orderly and servant, put a crowd of telegrams on my bed. All this is so terribly sad and trying for her, but I never saw a braver person.
Last night Alexeieff sent for me and we had a long talk. He is gravely anxious as to what may happen to the Emperor and Empress, who are now, he tells me, under close arrest at Tsarskoye Selo.
He is most anxious that both should be got out of the country to some haven of refuge. Janin, de Ryckel and I have done what we can to help, having talked it all over, though our efforts to accompany the Emperor to Tsarskoye Selo were snubbed. Major-General John Headlam, who had been on an 'artillery adviser' trip, turned up, and gave me a most interesting account of what he had seen of the feeling among troops be saw. Many of the officers had the unfortunate and totally false impression that the Court from top to bottom was pro-German.
At same time no anti-dynastic sentiment was expressed. The Grand Duke Michael's appointment was welcomed, and a prospect of the Tsarevitch eventually succeeding was welcomed. The appointment of the Grand Duke Nicholas as C. The impression was that German intrigues would be effectually checked, and that the change might lead to representative government.
Over and over again he heard the expression: A Russian officer whom he knew and had just arrived from Petrograd gave him his impressions as follows: They are only a small percentage, perhaps 15 per cent.
These men care nothing for consequences so long as they can spread their own doctrines. They are ready to end the war for this. During the first two or three days they looted the food and drink shops, going to sleep on the spot when they got drunk.
Now when spoken to they don't know what they are out for. They are already saying they have done their work in dethroning the Emperor, and demand to be given pensions and let go. The delegates who have been sent from the Government will do no harm-they have gone officially and work through the commanders. The danger lies in secret emissaries from the extremists inciting to mutiny.
The sailors of the fleet are the most dangerous element. They burned an admiral alive, his wife dying of shock and daughter shooting herself. They think they can do without officers-there is too much talk and visits from agitators.
The setting up of national shell factories as in England is quite out of the question. Very busy yesterday on the wires in morning. Then a message announcing arrival of the Grand Duke Nicholas.
I went down to the station to see him in his car, and had a most affectionate greeting from him and the Grand Duke Peter. My old friend Galitzin was with him, and we adjourned to the Grand Duke's room to have a talk. Later on General Janin and the rest of the colleagues joined him at dinner, J.
He has had a regular triumphal 'march' here, cheering troops and others meeting him at all the stations, which looks as if he might have had the same welcome if he had gone to Petrograd, and who knows whether it would have put a different complexion on affairs? But the whole position is still very critical and uncertain. We remained waiting in Prince Galitzin's car till 12, but nothing happened, and we then joined the G.
Were obliged to leave then as our hands are pretty full of our own job. And we get continual messages to warn us to be most correct in 'our attitude. As a matter of fact, not only did the Emperor say that it was one's duty to support the Government, but it is obvious.
There appears to have been a message sent to the Grand Duke inviting him to resign his command. He wished us to be aware of this, but was expecting the arrival of the messenger bearing it this morning, and hoped we should be with him to be witnesses of his attitude.
This message should have caught him en route here but failed. The following is a translation of the correspondence: The Temporary Government, considering the question of your appointment to the post of Commander-in-Chief, which took place just previous to the abdication of the late Emperor, has come to the conclusion that the situation which has arisen and exists at the present time renders necessary your resignation of this appointment.
The national feeling is decidedly and insistently against the employment of any members of the house of Romanoff in any official position. The Temporary Government does not consider it right to be indifferent to the voice of the people, an indifference which might lead to the most serious complications, and it feels convinced that you, for the good of the country, will meet the situation half-way and resign, before your arrival at the Stafka, the title of Commander-in-Chief.
To the above the Grand Duke, absolutely loyal to the Temporary Government, and to any consideration which he was told was for the good of his beloved country, and again absolutely correct in his attitude, straight and dignified, even at a cost which few can quite grasp without that intimate knowledge of his fine character with which we who served with him were so well acquainted, answered as follows: The Government also expresses assurance that for the good of the country I should meet the requirements of the situation halfway and resign, before my arrival at Headquarters, the title of Commander-in-Chief.
I am happy once more to be able to prove my love for my country, which so far Russia has not doubted. In accordance with Para. At the same time I hereby beg the Minister for War to retire me from the army.
Since I am in the zone of the active armies and in agreement with Army Regulations referred to above, I shall carry out such orders as may be given me by the Temporary Commander-in-Chief, General Alexeieff. I am taking the oath to-day. At the same time I beg you to retire me from the army with right to wear uniform, a right which I have according to law as a Cavalier of the Orders of St George.
Prince Galitzin came to see me and said that the Grand Duke had received a letter, which should have caught him en route here, from the Government asking him to resign as it was 'the wish of the people' that none of the Romanoff family should remain in office. As, however, that appeared not to be so, he placed his resignation in the hands of the Government, and awaited information as to what he should do, and when and where he should go. Janin, who was with me, and I expressed our regrets, and informed our colleagues.
After dinner two generals called on me and agreed that under the circumstances it was the best, and indeed the only, course for the Grand Duke to take under the circumstances.
One, the head of the cavalry school, told me he thought all would go well now, and that he had a telegram from Gourko saying he was due here to-day or to-morrow, and lie thought he would be C. He begged me to think the position would soon right itself-all was quiet at Petrograd, and so on. The other general told me that unfortunately the men now being called up for service at Petrograd were of the class that was in the revolution, were independent of the officers and all 'red.
The leader of the deputation wanted to know why the G. They were then told that it was true, and that his reasons for sending in his resignation were that he had been invited by the Provisional Government to do so.
They could not believe it, so the Grand Duke saw them and explained the situation. I was told these working men said he was still the man they wanted, and they would stop the train from leaving. A meeting was got up at the theatre last night, and the position is awkward. It is rumoured that they will still stop the train if possible, but one may rest assured that the G.
The men in question have wired to Orsha, an important railway junction to the north of this, asking them to join. So it looks like a 'pocket' revolution in favour of the Grand Duke.
To-night it is reported that the aeroplane hangars at Kieff are on fire.
A message to say that the Grand Duke Nicholas will receive the chiefs of Allied military missions this afternoon. Polivanoff, who is Assistant Minister for War, has arrived.
I met him at the staff mess at lunch. Ile came straight up to me and shook hands most cordially, addressing me as 4 my oldest friend among the Allies,' as I knew him when he was Minister for War. He was in great spirits, said: Difficulties and excitement are splendid.
We were all shown in together, and he was perfectly calm and collected, talking only about the war situation. He then bid us all a formal farewell, and the others left, I staying behind to talk to my old friend Galitzin. I had been longer with the Grand Duke than any of the others, having joined up in August While we were talking, the Grand Duke sent for me, and giving me his photograph, bid me a final good-bye.
It was all very touching' and memories of the long months we spent together at the beginning of the war kept cropping up. What impressed one so much was his dignified and calm demeanour, not a word of reproach for anyone, only his steadfast love for his country, and determination not to hamper the already sufficiently difficult task of the Government.
How long will that Government last, and what will succeed it? I walked home sad and wondering if ever I should see any of my old comrades again. A long interview with Polivanoff this morning, he being very optimistic as to the future.
He thought Alexeieff was an overstrong disciplinarian. Lord knows how long discipline of any kind will last with these men, who are really like children. He laid stress on the necessity for supporting the Provisional Government. I assured him that we should do all in our power in that direction, and added quite frankly that it was not only for the sake of Russia, but for the continuation of the war in conjunction with us Allies.
Bazaroff of General Staff came to see me and asked me if I had a satisfactory talk with Polivanoff. I did not see how discipline, very especially at this moment, could be 'loosened up,' and that the only way would be to alter the wording a little, but retain the principle. I am gradually becoming a sort of intermediary between Russians and Russians, and I wish I could help them more.
Anyhow they get a perfectly frank expression of opinion, be it acceptable or not. This is no time for anything but frankness. The Grand Duke is, I hear, waiting for two deputies from the Government to accompany him to his destination.
He is fully determined that they should deal with any demonstrations which may occur in his favour en route, and quite rightly. Poor General Coanda, the Rumanian, came to me about the difficulties regarding railways, supplies, etc. The staff here, in the present state of debacle, can do little, and I well understand his anxiety, but his only course was, so I told him, to go to Petrograd and see whether some order out of chaos might be arranged at the War Office there, but I fear the advice is only a broken reed.
He told me that they had all gone to Livadia in the Crimea, where H. Ile remarked upon how calm and dignified had been the attitude of the G. Some of the Cossacks at Petrograd were so sick with the state of affairs that they had marched straight off to the front on their Petrograd reports the killing of eighty Russian naval officers by mutineers.
And this is what telegraphic reports from home describe as a 'peaceful revolution'! Reports say that General Ivanoff has been arrested. Only a few months ago he was one of the heroes of the war. What makes me sick is that some people who, a very short time ago, were squealing to be presented to the Emperor, are now abusing him.
It is right to do all possible to help the existing authorities to tide over these difficult times, and no doubt there was much in the previous regime open to criticism, but when one hears of the Emperor being 'in with the Germans,' etc. Goutchakoff, the new Minister for War, arrived yesterday, lunched at the staff mess, and came up and spoke to us afterwards, saying he would see us chiefs of Allied missions to-day.
Yesterday morning the chiefs of Allied military missions called on the new Minister for War in his car at the station here. The following is a full account of the interview which, as it is historical, I give in full. As we took no notes, we all met afterwards and drew up a precis which we all agreed to as correct. He first thanked us for the great services we had rendered to Russia since the beginning of the war, and also during the sad circumstances through which we are now passing.
He had the conviction that we should continue to lend 'our precious aid' to the Provisional Government. He had assembled us, he said, to lay before us the situation in such a manner as to consolidate our agreement regarding their eventual action, and also to show us plainly what the Russian Government can do and cannot do, with the view that our operations should be clearly undertaken with a definite understanding of the possible efforts of the Russian armies.
When the Duma received the announcement of its dissolution, tumultuous assemblies took Place in the streets of Petrograd. The regiments called up to maintain order did their duty, but with an entire absence of enthusiasm. It was obvious that discipline would relax next day. The revolution declared itself suddenly. There was no plotting for it. Indeed, no plot existed. There were no leaders.
He failed to do so. He was nowhere to be found, but during the night it was learned that he had taken refuge with his family in the outskirts of Petrograd.
The situation was a very grave one. Petrograd contained abouttomen of reserve troops undergoing instruction. These troops were re-divided into regiments mustering about 10, to 15, with fifty or sixty officers, mostly officers of auxiliary forces, or more or less incapable officers sent back from the front to the headquarters of their unit with a view of being given further instruction. On the same evening the Duma drew up a telegram to the Emperor with a view of obtaining from him certain concessionsnotably the constitution of a liberal ministry.
The next day at a very early hour certain of the Petrograd regiments came and offered their services to the Duma.
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In the morning delegations of the regiments at Tsarskoye Selo, Of the Emperor's Court, and of the private police of their Majesties came and placed themselves under the orders of the Duma, saying they would continue to carry out orders on condition that lives should be spared.
Finally, the Ministers then in power, in order to save their lives, fled or placed themselves under the protection of the Duma. Thus as has already been pointed out, the revolution had no chief. Certain officers agreed with their men, others were massacred by them, and the revolution appeared to have entered into the hands of the rebel soldiers.